In the article, “Ignoring Memory Hints: The stubborn Influence of Environmental Recognitio Memory”, the authors Selmeczy & Dobbins (2017), speak about the fact that through recognition memory, participants are unable to completely separate information about the environment (Selmczy & Dobbins, 2017). Using the explicit memory cueing model, the present study examines observers' ability to suppress environmental recognition signals that are considered to be reliable. In Experiment 1, respondents were clearly advised to have or disregard descriptive environmental stimuli that have been introduced subsequent to the awareness test, according to the researchers (Selmczy & Dobbins, 2017). To set the stage for the findings, Experiment 1 showed that the participants only could reduce the impact of external conditions, not completely remove it. After that, the authors looked at whether participants could effectively eradicate the effect of reliable cues when they were introduced after the acknowledgement query (Experiment 2) or when they were given financial incentives to disregard cues (Experiment 3). Importantly, while people were asked to could the effect of signals even more, they just were not able to completely remove it from their perception decisions, or subjective trust (Selmczy & Dobbins, 2017).
In the second article, titled “Trauma, memory, testimony: Phenomenological, psychological and ethical perspectives”, the author Welz (2016), through Holocaust testimonies have explored and discussed about the Shoah's witnessing crisis, as well as challenges with integrating and expressing stressful encounters in particular. A systematic investigation of the relationship between trauma, memory, and evidence benefits from phenomenological, emotional, and moral viewpoints (Welz, 2016). The author argues that maintaining personal consistency across the distance among ancient and modern necessitates not only an internal observer - which can be associated with an individual's consciousness according to a lengthy intellectual movement - but also a social environment in which someone is confronted and can react (Welz, 2016). The results suggest that spontaneous memories triggered by traumatic experiences are regulated by the same processes that regulate involuntary reminders with a positive mindset effect in everyday life. However, these findings do not negate the fact that painful experiences are often associated with difficulties in resisting the wound's tale and cause (Welz, 2016). Traumatic memory artefacts also seem conflicting, even self-contradictory, and detached from other frameworks of significance. This may be attributable to the unique modes of presentation of these memories: while normal biographical experiences can be articulated using everyday language, negative emotions are difficult to articulate and almost impossible to verbalise when manifesting as displaced ‘visual pictures, olfactoric, auditory, or kinaesthetic stimuli (Welz, 2016).
As per the discussion of Nyman, et.al. (2019), the authorities reveal that, eyewitness accounts are usually accurate right after an incident, but their memories are tainted during the investigation and questioning phase. Erroneous eyewitness impressions can lead to inaccurate convictions. With regard to qualitative methods, obtaining additional information about a case from the media or other witnesses, and even attempting to tell their storey on several occasions can all have an effect on a variety of places. It's not uncommon for eyewitness accounts to portray a situation in a distorted light. Darkness, impaired memory and concentration, impeded vision, and a large distance between both the witness and the occurrence are all factors that make it impossible for an eyewitness to recall incidents accurately. Nonetheless, as per the discussion of Semmler, et.al (2018), eyewitnesses are usually motivated by a genuine desire to help with the prosecution of the incident. Even if there are disagreements about eyewitness credibility and evidence performance, the gap between the complainant and the perpetrator is another factor that influences this theory. The gap had a substantial negative effect on individuals of all ages. This can be effectively understood using the information processing theory. It has been discussed Steblay & Dysart (2016), information-processing theories or modelling techniques are memory theories or frameworks that emphasise the processing of information in stages or phases. The mechanism of remembering, as per the storage and transfer model, begins with our sensory receptors scooping up data from the surrounding. The knowledge will then pass through the nervous system to the brain, where it would be analysed. As per the discussion of Wixted, Mickes & Fisher (2018), to allow the brain to process the sensory input, it must remain in the central nervous for a very brief period, about a second. Sensory storage is the name for this level. The data is then sent to a short-term storage facility, where it is stored for about 30 seconds. Any of the knowledge that reaches short-term memory is stored by rehearsing it—that is, paying attention to it and repeating it over and over again—and this is a deliberate practise. It has been stated and discussed by Loftus (2018), this coded, structured, and processed production in the long store is returned directly to the short-term store, where it would be deciphered and used for answer as directed by the brain via nervous system. Inconsistencies in age ranges and long diagonal shapes, for example, often mean that board should not be considered accurate up to 100 metres, but that age and empirical range should be considered when assessing particular circumstances. As per the discussion of Garrett, et.al (2020), for decades, prosecutors have been effectively indicting defendants in a variety of cases by relying on a form of evidence that judges often find compelling: an eyewitness who reports to have experienced the crime and can identify the accused. However, as per the discussion of Vredeveldt & Sauer (2015), scholars have questioned whether others who say they were present at the scene can be assured with what the particular experiences tell them for nearly as long. The importance of confidence in identifying the perpetrator cannot be overstated. If the eyewitness exudes the requisite trust, he or she may effectively serve as a structured framework for assessing the witness's credibility.
References:
Garrett, B. L., Liu, A., Kafadar, K., Yaffe, J., & Dodson, C. S. (2020). Factoring the Role of Eyewitness Evidence in the Courtroom. Journal of Empirical Legal Studies, 17(3), 556-579.
Loftus, E. F. (2018). Eyewitness science and the legal system. Annual review of law and social science, 14, 1-10.
Selmeczy, D., & Dobbins, I. G. (2017). Ignoring memory hints: The stubborn influence of environmental cues on recognition memory. Journal of Experimental Psychology: Learning, Memory, and Cognition, 43(9), 1448.
Semmler, C., Dunn, J., Mickes, L., & Wixted, J. T. (2018). The role of estimator variables in eyewitness identification. Journal of Experimental Psychology: Applied, 24(3), 400.
Steblay, N. K., & Dysart, J. E. (2016). Repeated eyewitness identification procedures with the same suspect. Journal of Applied Research in Memory and Cognition, 5(3), 284-289.
Vredeveldt, A., & Sauer, J. D. (2015). Effects of eye-closure on confidence-accuracy relations in eyewitness testimony. Journal of Applied Research in Memory and Cognition, 4(1), 51-58.
Welz, C. (2016). Trauma, memory, testimony: Phenomenological, psychological, and ethical perspectives. Scripta Instituti Donneriani Aboensis, 27, 104-133.
Wixted, J. T., Mickes, L., & Fisher, R. P. (2018). Rethinking the reliability of eyewitness memory. Perspectives on Psychological Science, 13(3), 324-335.